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International Relations
Boluwatife Omobusayo Osanyibi

IDENTIFYING EMERGING GEOPOLITICAL ALLIANCES THROUGH NETWORK ANALYSIS OF UN VOTING PATTERN WITH RESPECT TO ISRAEL-PALESTINE ISSUE (1947-2025)

Authors: Boluwatife Osanyibi, Bhavya Anand, Diksha Chopra                                                                     Abstract The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) serves as a key multilateral forum where member states articulate their foreign policy preferences through voting behavior, offering valuable insights into the evolving structure of international politics. Among the issues debated within the UN, the Israel–Palestine conflict remains one of the most enduring and politically contested, making it an appropriate case for examining contemporary geopolitical alignments. This study investigates emerging geopolitical alliances by analyzing UNGA voting behavior on Israel–Palestine-related resolutions using Social Network Analysis (SNA). The theoretical foundation integrates Structural Realism, Defensive Realism, Constructivism, Postcolonial Theory, Liberal Institutionalism, and Complex Interdependence Theory which collectively demonstrates that state behavior within multilateral institutions is shaped by the interaction of strategic interests, power configurations, institutional linkages, and shared historical and normative identities. The research adopts a quantitative design using official voting records obtained from the United Nations Digital Library (UNDL) and the United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL). Voting data for General Assembly resolutions are coded numerically and analyzed using Social Network Analysis in Girvan–Newman community detection algorithms, together with centrality measures, were employed to identify voting communities, influential states, and bridging actors. The findings reveal the three major geopolitical voting blocs: a highly cohesive Global South–BRICS coalition, an isolated United States–Israel bloc, and a European intermediary group characterized by strategic abstentions and variable voting behavior The analysis also identifies bridge states that connect polarized communities and highlights a transition towards a more fragmented and multipolar international order. Overall, the study demonstrates that UNGA voting patterns serves as a robust indicator of evolving geopolitical alliances and offers important insights into contemporary patterns of international cooperation and diplomatic alignment. Keywords: United Nations General Assembly, geopolitical alliances, network analysis, voting patterns, Israel –Palestine Issue. 1. Introduction The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) serves as one of the most significant multilateral forums on which countries publicly express their foreign policy preference on political, security and humanitarian matters that have global ramifications.  The voting behavior of member states in the United Nations General Assembly represents one of the most observable manifestations of foreign policy in practice. Although General Assembly resolutions are not legally enforceable, Votes cast in favor, against, or through abstention is not merely a procedural exercise but a reflection of broader geopolitical dynamics. States often vote in accordance with their strategic interests, regional affiliations, ideological commitments, historical relationships, economic partnerships, and domestic political considerations. Consequently, similarities in voting behavior may indicate the existence of diplomatic coalitions or emerging geopolitical alliances and the evolving dynamics of global politics. UNGA vote records, in contrast to bilateral diplomatic pronouncements, offer standardized, publicly accessible, and longitudinal data that allow for the methodical analysis of foreign policy behavior across time and among nations. In order to study ideological proximity, alliance formation, regional cooperation, and shifts in global political alignments, international relations research has made considerable use of UN vote statistics. Among numerous issues debated within the United Nations, Israel- Palestine conflict is one of the most deeply entrenched and contentious conflict in  contemporary international relations. For decades, protracted conflict has influenced global diplomacy, international laws, humanitarian policies and the foreign policy orientation of states across international relations. The root cause of conflict lies in competing historical narratives, territorial disputes, security concerns, religious significance, and the emergence of both Zionist and Palestinian nationalist movements during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The conflict has evolved through several defining events, including the British Mandate for Palestine, the adoption of the United Nations Partition Plan (1947), the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, the Arab–Israeli wars, the displacement of Palestinian refugees (Nakba), the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza following the Six-Day War of 1967, the Oslo Peace Process, and the Hamas attack of October 2023. These events have made conflict exceptionally resistant to peaceful resolution despite numerous diplomatic negotiations longstanding issues such as the status of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian refugees, security, and the right to self-determination remain unsettled (Gelvin, 2021; Pappé, 2006). United Nations have played a fundamental role in addressing intractable conflict. United Nations have attempted to provide a legal framework, humanitarian assistance, peacekeeping efforts and diplomatic mechanism though adoption of UNGA and UNSC resolutions aimed at resolving dispute. The Israel–Palestine conflict serves as an excellent example for exploring geopolitical alignments, as it has consistently featured in the agenda of the United Nations General Assembly for many years and has led to repeated resolutions garnering significant involvement from member states. This issue often goes beyond regional politics and highlights larger divisions within the international framework, which makes it especially relevant for examining trends in diplomatic collaboration and alliance building. Voting behavior on Israel–Palestine-related resolutions extend beyond the immediate issues under consideration and often reflects broader geopolitical realities. States frequently vote in accordance with strategic partnerships, regional alliances, ideological commitments, historical ties, security interests, and evolving diplomatic priorities. While some countries have demonstrated remarkable consistency in their voting behavior, others have altered their positions in response to domestic political changes, leadership transitions, regional developments, or shifts in the international balance of power. Analyzing these patterns provides an opportunity to understand the evolution of international alliances beyond traditional military or regional blocs and offers valuable insights into changing patterns of global diplomacy. The growing availability of United Nations voting data has enabled researchers to employ quantitative approaches for analyzing interstate behavior. Among the various analytical approaches, Wasserman and Faust (1994) argue that network analysis offers a systematic framework for examining relationships among actors based on their interactions. Applied to UN voting, this approach conceptualises states as interconnected actors whose voting similarities reveal patterns of cooperation, coalition formation, and geopolitical alignment. Newman (2010) further explains that network analysis enables researchers to identify clusters of closely connected actors, measure the relative importance of individual actors within a network, and examine changes in network structures over time.  a powerful methodology to represent the relationship among different entities and to

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September 6, 2026 No Comments
Quality Education
Riddhika Bohra

EVALUATION OF INDIAN SCHOOL EDUCATION SYSTEM THROUGH THE LENS OF ALLOCATED BUDGET AND EXPENDITURE MADE

Authors: Riddhika Bohra, Dhanishtha Meena  ABSTRACT  This study evaluates the Indian school education system by analyzing the persistent execution gap between allocated Budget Estimates (BE) and Actual Expenditures (AE) using official Ministry of Education data from FY 2016–17 to FY 2020–21, the study tracks quantitative budget-expenditure gaps across Central, State/UT, and school levels. It complements this with a multi-source diagnostic analysis across five thematic case studies. Despite national policy targets to spend 6% of GDP on public education, persistent fund under-utilization severely weakens school infrastructure, teacher capacity, and student retention across the country.  Keywords: Budget-Expenditure Gap, Indian School Education, Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, Fiscal Federalism, Fund Utilization. 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background of Study  Education was assigned to the State List at the time of Independence, which meant state governments carried the primary responsibility for running schools, while the central government’s role remained largely advisory. The first few Five-Year Plans focused on industry and infrastructure, so education was not a fiscal priority in this period; public spending stayed close to 3.5% of GDP (PRS Legislative Research, 2022) for decades. This shifted after the Kothari Commission (1964-66) recommended raising education spending to 6% of GDP, a target later formalized in the National Policy on Education, 1968. That target remains unmet over fifty years later. This historical context establishes the foundation of this study: a persistent gap between policy commitments and actual funding, which predates the contemporary data analyzed herein.  The year 1991 serves as a significant dividing line in this history. India’s economic liberalisation coincided with a broader shift toward administrative decentralisation, raising critical questions in policy debates about whether education’s share of a rapidly growing economy was keeping pace. Empirical research on this period remains divided. A panel study of Indian states from 2002 to 2020 indicates that fiscal decentralisation reforms had a broadly positive effect on education and health service delivery, although outcomes depended heavily on local institutional quality and accountability (Singh, Bhattacharjee, & Nandy, 2024). Conversely, researchers examining school-level decentralisation present less optimistic findings. One recent study tracing the effects of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments on school management found mixed, and in some cases negative, effects on student achievement (Kameshwara, Shields, & Sandoval-Hernandez, 2023). Concurrently, the central government began playing a larger role through centrally sponsored schemes that required states to co-finance programmes; this shift highlights how education’s placement on the Concurrent List directly contributes to contemporary budget-expenditure mismatches.  Two indicators are utilized in this study to track this gap, chosen to capture different dimensions of the issue. Education expenditure as a share of GDP—which rose only slightly from about 3.8% in 2013-14 to 4.64% in 2020-21 (PRS Legislative Research, 2022), remaining well short of the 6% goal—measures whether education is being prioritised relative to the size of the economy over time. The second indicator, the variance between Budget Estimates (BE) and Actual Expenditure in a given year, captures implementation-level rather than policy-level shortfalls by measuring whether allocated funds are successfully deployed. Together, these two measures distinguish the issue of whether India allocates sufficient funds for education from the issue of whether it effectively spends those allocations. Furthermore, this execution gap varies significantly across the different stages of school education. Elementary education has generally received the strongest policy attention, supported by the legal mandate of the Right to Education Act, 2009. In contrast, secondary education faces greater challenges; enrollment ratios decline noticeably at this stage, and several centrally sponsored schemes designed to support it have repeatedly underspent their allocations (PRS Legislative Research, 2025). Higher secondary education exhibits even more severe disparities, marked by sharp enrollment declines and comparatively little budgetary focus. This historical pattern is corroborated by earlier state-level budget analyses, which demonstrate that elementary education is consistently prioritized over secondary education across most states (CBGA-CRY, 2016, 2018, as cited in Kundu & Rastogi, 2020). Given the distinct fiscal challenges at each stage, this study analyses elementary, secondary, and higher secondary education as separate analytical categories rather than a uniform system.  1.2. Statement of Problem  Despite constitutional provisions and recurring national policy targets aiming to devote 6% of GDP to public education, India’s public educational spending remains persistently low, hovering well below this threshold. However, the key challenge facing the Indian school education system is not merely the initial quantum of funds announced in annual budgets, but the systematic and recurring divergence between what is allocated (Budget Estimates) and what is actually spent on the ground (Actual Expenditure). This expenditure shortfall manifests across all administrative levels, driven by multi-layered bureaucratic red tape, delayed fund flows leading to a “year-end expenditure rush” and rigid matching-grant requirements between the Centre and States. Furthermore, public expenditure is severely skewed toward fixed revenue expenses such as teacher salaries, effectively crowding out essential capital investments in school infrastructure. Because this execution gap varies significantly across school tiers (elementary versus secondary) and regional economic boundaries, there is a critical need to evaluate how these fiscal mismatches occur and identify the structural, operational, and institutional factors causing allocated funds to lapse.  1.3. Research Questions  What are the trends of gap in education expenditure in the Indian school education system?  What do the trends of gap in education expenditure look like for three levels in Indian Schools?  What are the factors driving differences between actual and budgeted education expenditure?  1.4. Aim of Study  The primary aim of this study is to evaluate the Indian school education system through a comprehensive analysis of the gap between allocated budget estimates and actual expenditures. Specifically, the research seeks to analyze the longitudinal trends in education expenditure gaps at the macroeconomic level across Central, State, and combined governmental tiers. Furthermore, it aims to examine how these budgetary mismatches manifest across the distinct stages of school education—specifically comparing elementary and secondary levels. Ultimately, the study intends to conduct diagnostic qualitative and case-study evaluations to identify the systemic, operational, and institutional factors driving the divergence between budgeted and actual education spending.  1.5. Objectives of Study  To analyze the trend of gap

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September 6, 2026 No Comments
Miscellaneous
Akshita Raghunathan

POST-MORTEM RIGHTS IN THE AGE OF DIGITAL RESURRECTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY

In the AI-driven world, afterlife resurrection and grief tech have created a vacuum for governance on matters of digital assets, regulation, and inheritance. While India has taken an important step forward with the DPDP Act, 2023, it still lags behind in comparison with other jurisdictions like the United States (RUFADAA), the European Union (GDPR), and China (Chinese Civil Code). But even then, globally there is a governance void when it comes to post-mortem rights with regard to digital resurrection.

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September 6, 2026 No Comments
International Relations
Komal Shelar

India’s Voting Pattern in the UNGA: Balancing Strategic Autonomy and Global Partnership

Authors: Disha Bisht, Mitali Upadhyay, Komal Shelar, Mahak Prajapati, Marilyn Anand, Neelam Singh, Pawani Arora, Rosy Rosalin Patra Table of Contents 1. Abstract 2. Introduction 2.1 Historical Background 2.2 Methodology 3.  Literature Review 3.1 Introduction to Literature Review 3.2 Argument 1 3.3 Argument 2 3.4 Argument 3 3.5 Conclusion 4. Data Analysis and Interpretation 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Method of Analysis 4.3 Quantitative Analysis of India’s UNGA Voting Behaviour 4.4 Theme I: Strategic Autonomy in India’s UNGA Voting Behaviour 4.5 Theme II: Strategic Autonomy and Networked Alignment 4.6 Theme III: Issue-Based Decision Making 4.7 Theme IV: Challenges to Strategic Autonomy 5.  Discussion 5.1 Discussion of Findings 5.2 Summary of Findings 6. Conclusion and Recommendations 6.1 Conclusion 6.2 Recommendations 7. References 1. Abstract The voting behaviour of India in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) serves as an important tool for studying India’s changing foreign policy and attempts to find a balance between strategic autonomy and the increasing number of global partnerships. The current study focuses on India’s UNGA voting patterns from 2000 to 2026 in order to evaluate how India’s foreign policy changes from non-alignment to strategic autonomy, multi-alignment, and a networked approach to foreign policy. In order to do that, the study uses a mixed-methods research design, which includes both quantitative analysis of India’s voting record in the UN General Assembly in various issue areas and qualitative analysis of Explanations of Vote (EoV), government documents, and historical case studies of India’s voting in the UNGA. Special focus is put on the most important geopolitical events, such as the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Israel-Palestine conflict, and India’s relationships with the Global South. The main question that is discussed within the context of this research design is whether India’s flexible foreign policy approach reflects strategic autonomy or a reactive hedging strategy. The research will contribute to larger debates concerning the diplomacy of rising powers, multilateralism, and foreign policy-making in the multipolar international system. Keywords: India; United Nations General Assembly (UNGA); Strategic Autonomy; Multi-alignment; Global Partnerships; Voting Behaviour; Foreign Policy; Global Governance. 2. Introduction In the new international order, which is becoming increasingly fractured and increasingly subject to intense competition between great powers, a nation’s vote in the UN General Assembly (UNGA) stands for much more than merely expressing its foreign policy preferences; it stands for a country’s strategic interests, international positioning, and its vision for the new world order. As an emerging economic superpower with a trajectory that is among the highest in the world, India has garnered growing policy and scholarly interest precisely due to its uniquely successful strategy of maintaining autonomy of decision-making in pursuit of an expanding network of ties and partnerships. UNGA, although it has non-binding decisions, is still among the world’s largest gatherings to understand countries’ foreign policy interests, preferences, and actions in major international crises and to make sense of diplomatic engagements (Voeten, 2012). UNGA voting behaviour represents the ideological commitments of emerging powers as well as broader geopolitical calculations, domestic interests, and developing international partnerships. India’s voting behaviour has attracted considerable academic interest, given its status as one of the world’s largest democracies and a rising global actor, and its unique ability to engage simultaneously with competing power centres while maintaining its distinct foreign policy identity. 2.1 Historical Background Historically, India’s foreign policy has been influenced by the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) emphasising sovereignty, anti-colonialism, peaceful coexistence, and strategic independence (Pye & Mohan, 2004). However, the evolving nature of the international system after the Cold War era, the rise of China, economic globalization, technological competition, and a shifting security environment have led to a shift in the pattern of external engagements of India. Instead of maintaining a strict non-alignment policy, the foreign policy of India is now seeking ‘strategic autonomy’ or multi-alignment and networked alignment through which it is working with many states in the international arena, some of which are competitors, without entering any alliance with them (Hall, 2019; Schottli, 2019). Through such a strategy, India can secure the maximum diplomatic freedom while protecting its national interests in terms of security, economics, technology, and geopolitics. This evolving foreign policy strategy is reflected in the voting behaviour of India in the UN General Assembly. The current voting behaviour of India, as it presents a range of issues before the voter, is not divided on the basis of ideological opposites. This issue-based, pragmatic voting has allowed India to free itself from the inflexibilities of a fixed bloc-based geopolitical allegiance.  Recent international developments – the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Israel-Palestine conflict, discussions on Iran, nuclear disarmament, digital governance, climate negotiations, and reforms of international institutions have further showcased India’s preference for calibrated engagement. India has always abstained from resolutions against major powers and reiterated its commitment to international law, territorial integrity, peaceful discourse and the principles of the UN Charter. Such voting behaviour exemplifies India’s endeavour to strike a balance between strategic autonomy and increasing partnerships involving the United States, Russia, Europe, the Global South and regional organisations such as BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) (Jaishankar, S, 2020). There is an increasing amount of literature on India’s evolving foreign policy, but many important questions remain unanswered. It includes India’s transition from non-alignment to multi-alignment, defence pacts, Indo-Pacific strategy, and great power relations (Hall, 2019; Pye & Mohan, 2004; Pant & Joshi, 2022). Likewise, quantitative studies have employed UNGA voting similarity indices to examine India’s international alignments (Bailey et al., 2017). However, much of this research is focused on either isolated foreign policy events or bilateral relations with specific powers. Very few studies have attempted to examine India’s UNGA voting behaviour as a comprehensive measure of strategic autonomy over a long period of time on different geopolitical issues. Aggregate voting analyses also tend to ignore the political context, reasons for votes, and issue-specific strategic considerations that shape India’s diplomatic decisions. Some concepts, while closely overlapping, are not interchangeable. Non-alignment mainly encapsulates India’s decision in the Cold War era not to

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September 6, 2026 No Comments
Quality Education
Md. Shahanur Hosen

Fiscal Federalism and School Education: A comparative study of educational infrastructure and spending capacities in Northern and Southern India

This study examines how India’s fiscal federalism shapes school education budgets across states, revealing a stark North-South divide. While national allocations rose 56.5% between 2018-2024, only 92.26% of funds get utilized nationally — with southern states like Tamil Nadu and Karnataka spending far more efficiently (94.71%) than northern states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (91.19%), proving that bigger budgets alone don’t fix educational infrastructure gaps.

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September 6, 2026 No Comments
International Relations
Sanchita Sinha

Economic Coercion as Foreign Policy – The Hormuz Closure and European Vulnerability

The Strait of Hormuz illustrates how maritime chokepoints can transform economic interdependence into geopolitical leverage. Through economic coercion and weaponised interdependence, its disruption exposes persistent European energy vulnerability, challenging conventional approaches to energy security and revealing the strategic significance of geography in contemporary geoeconomics.

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September 5, 2026 No Comments
International Relations
Ayeshna Roy

Identifying Emerging Geopolitical Alliances Through Network Analysis of United Nations Voting Patterns

This study applies network analysis to UN General Assembly voting records (2020–2025), examining patterns around the US-China rivalry, Russia-Ukraine conflict, and BRICS resolutions. Findings reveal established and emerging voting blocs, highlighting new alliance trends within today’s evolving multipolar international system.

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September 5, 2026 No Comments
Uncategorized
AFSANA Akhter

The Right to Disconnect: Should India Legally Protect Employees from After-Hours Work?

Authors: Ashutosh Kumar Singh, Afsana Akhter, Sneha Batav,Yashu, Khushi Solanki, Mishra Garvita Chapter 1 Background of the Study The digital transformation of workplaces has fundamentally altered employment relationships by enabling continuous communication through emails, messaging, applications, and virtual collaboration platforms. Although these technologies have enhanced organizational flexibility and productivity, they have simultaneously blurred the distinction between the personal and professional life. The increasing expectation that the employees remain purely available beyond the prescribed working hours has generated concerns regarding work-life balance, mental-health, and occupational well-being. International labour standards increasingly recognize that decent work extends beyond the wages and encompasses reasonable working hours, rest, and the protection of worker’s dignity and health[1]. Meaning and Evolution of the Right to Disconnect The Right to Disconnect refers to an employee’s entitlement to disengage from work-related communications outside working hours without suffering adverse employment consequences. The concept gained statutory recognition in France through the Labour Code reforms of year 2016 and has subsequently influenced labour reforms in jurisdictions including Spain, Portugal, Belgium, and Australia[2]. It reflects the evolution of labour law from regulating the physical workplaces to addressing challenges arising from digital employment. Growth of Digital Work and “Always-On” Employment The expansion of remote and hybrid work, particularly following the Covid-19 pandemic, has accelerated an “always-on” work culture. Digital connectivity has improved operational efficiency but has also extended working time beyond contractual limits. The ILO and WHO have reported that long working hours significantly increase the risk of cardiovascular disease and premature mortality, demonstrating that excessive digital availability has become both a labour rights and public health concern[3]. Research Question Should India recognise and statutorily enforce a Right to Disconnect to protect employees from after-hours work, while balancing the legitimate interests of employers in a digitally connected workplace? Research Objective This study aims to examine the concept of the Right to Disconnect, analyse the adequacy of India’s legal framework, evaluate comparative legal approaches, and propose suitable legislative reforms. Research Hypothesis The study hypothesis that the existing Indian Labour Law framework inadequately protects employees from after-hours work obligations and that a statutory Right to Disconnect would better safeguard employee well-being while balancing legitimate employer interests. Scope of the Study The research focuses on the legal regulation of after-hours work in India through constitutional principles, labour legislation, judicial developments, international labour standards, and comparative jurisprudence. It does not examine contractual or senior-specific workplace policies in detail. Research Methodology The study adopts a doctrinal research methodology based on the primary sources, including constitutional provisions, labour statutes, judicial decisions, and international instruments, supplemented by peer-reviewed journal articles, government reports, and the available scholarly literature. Literature Review Existing scholarship demonstrates that digital technologies have redefined the temporal boundaries of the employment. Janine Berg and other ILO Scholars argue that the digitalization requires labour regulations to protect worker’s autonomy and health[4]. Eurofound’s research similarly concludes that the Right to Disconnect promotes work-life balance without significantly reducing organizational productivity[5]. In India, scholarly discourse acknowledges the constitutional relevance of privacy and dignity following Justice K.S Puttaswamy v. Union of India, yet highlights the absence of a dedicated statutory framework governing after-hours digital work. This study contributes to the existing literature by critically examining whether comparative legal models can be adapted to the Indian constitutional and labour law framework.   Chapter 2: Conceptual and Legal Framework of the Right to Disconnect Employees, gig workers and other wage earners are often expected to work beyond prescribed hours, reflecting the growing culture of overwork. Many continue to comply for fear of losing their jobs, highlighting the need for a right to disconnect that protects workers from an “always-on” culture. Workplace stress has become a major concern in India, with many employees experiencing anxiety, depression, and burnout. Studies consistently identify work-related stress as a key factor affecting employees’ mental health and well-being[6]. Poor work-life balance has left nearly 78% of Indian employees experiencing burnout, one of the highest rates globally[7].  In Vishakha v. State of Rajasthan (1997)[8], the Supreme Court of India held that workplace dignity is an essential part of the right to life under Article 21. Although the case concerned sexual harassment, its broader principle is equally relevant: employers cannot exercise control in a way that undermines an employee’s dignity, autonomy, or personal well-being. Several countries, including France, Australia, Belgium, Italy and Portugal, have recognised the right to disconnect by allowing employees to refuse after-hours communication without adverse consequences. In India, where the formal and informal sectors coexist and no clear demarcation for office hours exist for a large share of workforce. India is among the world’s most overworked nations, with the average employee working 46.7 hours a week according to the ILO[9].  Although the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020 regulates working hours and safety, it remains silent on after-hours digital work, highlighting the need for dedicated legislation.[10] The right also finds support in Article 21, which protects life and personal liberty. Courts have repeatedly expanded the ambit of Article 21 by recognizing the dignity, health, livelihood, and privacy of an individual. It is further supported by Articles 39(e) and 42, which promote humane working conditions. In Consumer Education and Research Centre v. Union of India (1995)[11], The SC held that workers are entitled to safe and healthy working conditions under Article 21. Moreover, Pansu suggests that a “right to a chosen connection” may be a more flexible and practical alternative to the current “Right to Disconnect” framework as this better protects employee autonomy by allowing workers to decide when and how to engage with digital work tools rather than imposing a blanket disconnection[12]. Chapter 3: Comparative Jurisdictions 3.1 – France France is widely recognized as the pioneer of the Right to Disconnect, becoming the first country to provide statutory recognition through the Labour Law (Loi n 2016-1088), commonly known as the EI Khomri Law. Effective from 1 January 2017, Article L. 2242-17 of the French Labour Code requires enterprises with at least fifty employees to negotiate policies governing the use

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September 5, 2026 No Comments