Authors: Devine Odiley, Kushaal Kackar, Palak Since its establishment in 1995, the World Trade Organization (WTO) has functioned as the central institutional pillar of the multilateral trading system, tasked with promoting trade liberalisation, reducing uncertainty in international commerce, and supporting economic development. The organisation’s institutional framework is formally grounded in the principles of sovereign equality and consensus-based decision-making, suggesting a rules-based system in which all member states participate on equal footing (Maswood, 2005). In practice, however, scholars in international political economy have long questioned whether this formal equality translates into substantive equality in influence and outcomes. A substantial body of literature argues that the WTO operates within broader global power hierarchies that privilege economically dominant states. These hierarchies manifest in agenda-setting practices, technical capacity disparities, and informal negotiating procedures that allow powerful members to shape outcomes in ways that align with their domestic economic interests (Wolfe, 2007; Kahler, 2013). As a result, the WTO has often been characterised less as a neutral arbiter of trade rules and more as a site of strategic bargaining in which structural power is reproduced through institutional processes (Balaam & Dillman, 2019). This paper examines how power relations within the WTO influence global development outcomes, with particular attention to industrialisation and export diversification in developing and least-developed countries. By combining institutional analysis with comparative economic indicators, the study seeks to connect the politics of trade governance with observable patterns of structural transformation. The central argument is that although the WTO has contributed to the expansion of global trade and the consolidation of a predictable legal framework, its institutional practices and rule structures continue to reflect asymmetries that constrain the development strategies of weaker members.

Author: Sauhardi Uniyal Abstract While the gig economy appears to offer flexibility, autonomy, and economic liberation, the reality for many workers is the opposite; gig workers are subjected to insecure jobs, algorithmic manipulation, and continued deprivation of basic worker rights. This article details how gig employers used misclassification and algorithmic control to create new forms of job exploitation disguised as new technologies. It draws on various sources of government statistics and compares the gig economy to other labor markets to show that the gig economy was not a true source of flexibility, but instead has been an instrument of labor casualization and erosion of workers’ most fundamental rights. This evolving trend requires immediate regulatory attention.

Author: Maheen Yaseen Introduction Diversity in India has led to coexistence of a lot of communities or social groups which at lot of times are either represented to a majoritarian extent or to a middle ground where you have enough population which can raise awareness for the communities and alas at last you have communities whose existence is even considered a bane. Pastoralist community in India, “members of caste or ethnic groups with a strong traditional association with livestock-keeping, where a substantial proportion of the group derive over 50% of household consumption from livestock products or their sale, and where over 90% of animal consumption is from natural pasture or browse and where households are responsible for the full cycle of livestock breeding.”

AUTHOR: DEVANSHI MEHTA This report examines India’s new Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act 2023 and accompanying DPDP Rules 2025 through legal-doctrinal, comparative, and analytical lenses We analyse the Act’s provisions (consent, data-principal rights, fiduciary duties, exemptions, localisation), identify critical gaps (consent asymmetries, broad state powers, digital divide, enforcement weaknesses), and assess democratic risks (surveillance, chilling of dissent, transparency deficits). Historical context (from global privacy norms to the Puttaswamy judgment and Aadhaar cases) frames the discussion. Comparative analysis considers GDPR (EU), CCPA (California), and data governance in Germany, France, and South Korea. We propose innovations and best practices (data audits, public literacy drives, data trusts, and transparency tools) and outline a policy roadmap to strengthen India’s digital safeguards while preserving democratic values. Key findings include that while the DPDP Act formally recognizes data rights, sweeping exemptions for the state, weak enforcement architecture, and persistent inequalities risk undermining privacy protections. The report concludes with recommendations to reconcile India’s welfare-democratic identity with robust digital rights and outlines likely developments over the next five years.

Authors: Aditi Sarkar; Adreeja Bagchi INTRODUCTION Sustainability, whose major focus is on environmental and economic practices to bring inclusive growth, has become a governance and legal issue and no longer remains a questionof ethics, compliance and social responsibility. According to section 135 of the Companies Act 2013, every eligible company must spend at least 2% of its average net profits on social impact activities that benefit society at large. CSR by itself is a small part of sustainability, but it certainly makes companies more accountable to society, which is a positive step. However, CSR spending does not necessarily imply an extensive sustainable business. Section 166 of the Companies Act of 2013 provides a legal basis for integration of sustainability. The directors duties codified in this section, promotes the objectives of the company wherein the director must act in good faith. The director are required to act towards promoting the objectives of the company for the benefit of the members as a whole. This idea has been further strengthened through judicial precedents along with section (2)2 wherein the below consideration came about: Section 166 of the Companies Act of 2013, provides a legal basis for integration of sustainability. The directors duties codified in this section, promotes the objectives of the company wherein the director must act in good faith. The director are required to act towards promoting the objectives of the company for the benefit of the members as a whole. This idea has been further strengthened through judicial precedents1 along with section (2)2 wherein the below consideration came about: Download the Paper below to read more:

Authors: Kritvi Dutta & Ishita Kumar Precarity among university students represents a structurally produced condition of instability that shapes academic engagement, financial security, and psychological well-being. This quantitative study examines how financial and academic experiences influence well-being and perceived support among 209 undergraduate and postgraduate students in India. Using a cross-sectional survey design, the study employed descriptive statistics and multiple regression analysis to assess relationships between key variables. Results indicate that academic experiences emerged as a significant positive predictor of well-being and support (p<.001), while financial experiences did not demonstrate a statistically significant direct effect. Qualitative responses, however, reveal that financial precarity operates subtly—constraining career choices, intensifying academic stress, and shaping students’ emotional experiences. The findings suggest that well-being is determined by the interplay of academic demands, structural constraints, and institutional responses, rather than isolated events. Addressing student precarity requires moving beyond individualised resilience frameworks toward structural reforms that integrate well-being into academic environments, recognise the diverse realities of student populations, and embed support systems within institutional practice rather than leaving students to navigate instability alone.

Aditya Shafy Chandra1*, Sadiya Altaf Janwari2 1Faculty of Agricultural Economics and Agribusiness Studies, Khulna Agricultural University, Khulna-9100, Bangladesh. 2Islamic University of Science and Technology, Awantipora, Pulwama, India Corresponding Author: adityashafy.chandra@gmail.com E-mail address: sadiajanwari20@gmail.com Abstract This study analytically investigates women’s financial inclusion across seven south Asian countries and has used World Development Indicators from 2011 to 2021. Financial inclusion can be defined as the availability and equality of opportunities to access and use financial services. It has emerged as an urgent priority of development linked to gender equality, reducing poverty and economic growth (Sarma & Pais ,2011; World Bank, 2014). This examination reveals significantly large cross-country variation with women owning an account, range from 2.95% in Pakistan to 89.28% in Sri Lanka by 2021. Panel regression analysis shows that GDP per capita impacts financial inclusion (p < 0.01) while female labor force shows a positive yet statistically insignificant relationship. India has witnessed a noticeable improvement with 192.76% growth over the decade, which resulted due to targeted policy interventions which includes Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (Kapoor,2014). Pakistan, on the other hand, despite witnessing significant percentage gains, it still maintained to have the lowest total inclusion levels, which reflects socio cultural and institutional barriers (Rahman, Rana & Barua, 2019). The findings mentioned in this paper highlight the vitality of integrated policy approaches that merge economic development, digital infrastructure expansion and initiatives to challenge the gender norms which are restrictive coercing women’s financial participation. Keywords: Financial Inclusion, Gender Gap, South Asia, Economic Development, Women Empowerment, Digital Finance 1. Introduction Financial inclusion has been identified as an important aspect of inclusive economic development and poverty reduction strategies across the world (Sarma & Pais, 2011; World Bank, 2014). Financial inclusion is described as the “process of ensuring access to suitable financial products and services at reasonable costs in a fair and transparent manner” (Hannig & Jansen, 2010). Financial inclusion helps people save money in a safe manner, invest in productive sectors, cope with economic risks, and become resilient to financial shocks. Financial inclusion has been recognized as a facilitator for achieving seven out of the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015). For women in particular, financial inclusion is more than just an economic empowerment tool; it is also a means of achieving greater autonomy, decision-making capacity, and social mobility (Kabeer, 2005; Swamy, 2014). Financial inclusion can allow women to build assets on their own, invest in education and health, establish and grow businesses, and make their own decisions about household resources. Studies have shown that financial inclusion of women has positive spillover effects on child nutrition, education, and overall household well-being (Dupas & Robinson, 2013). Despite the rapid economic growth and development of financial systems in South Asia over the past two decades, the region still has some of the most visible gender gaps in financial inclusion in the world (International Monetary Fund, 2018). Women in South Asia are confronted with multiple barriers such as lower levels of education, limited participation in the labor market, digital divides, and deeply rooted socio-cultural factors that impede their economic empowerment (Ghosh & Vinod, 2017; Rahman, Rana, & Barua, 2019). Although some studies have been conducted on financial inclusion in South Asia, and some cross-country studies have been conducted, empirical evidence specific to South Asia, using standardized and comparable data sets for all major economies. In this context, the present study undertakes a comprehensive empirical analysis of women’s financial inclusion in seven South Asian nations, namely Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, using World Development Indicators data from 2011 to 2021. Specifically, the study aims to: By addressing these objectives, the study contributes to the growing literature through a standardized, region-wide comparative framework. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Conceptual Framework of Financial Inclusion The literature on financial inclusion has progressed from the conventional focus on access to banking services to a broader focus that includes access, usage, and quality aspects of financial inclusion (Demirgüç-Kunt & Klapper, 2013). Sarma and Pais (2011) constructed a multi-dimensional index of financial inclusion that covered banking penetration, the degree of banking services, and the use of the banking system. Chakravarty and Pal (2013) further extended this line of thinking by incorporating an axiomatic structure that covered the distributional elements of financial inclusion. More recent literature suggests that financial inclusion must be considered not only as a function of account ownership but as engagement with formal financial services (Allen et al., 2016). This difference between access and usage becomes even more important in the context of women’s financial inclusion, where gender-specific barriers could result in a higher level of account dormancy among women (Demirgüç-Kunt et al., 2018). 2.2 Determinants of Financial Inclusion The existing literature has been able to identify some of the important determinants that affect the availability of formal financial services. At the macroeconomic level, economic development has been identified as an important determinant of financial inclusion. Economies with higher GDP per capita have better financial systems, more developed regulatory systems, and greater household capacity to access formal financial services (Sethi & Acharya, 2018). Sharma (2016) has also been able to identify important empirical relationships between economic development and financial inclusion in the Indian context. Education has been identified as an important determinant of financial inclusion. Education and literacy abilities enable people to understand financial systems and make important decisions (Mehrotra et al., 2009). For women, education has been identified as an important determinant of financial inclusion. Education not only increases financial abilities but also increases bargaining power in the household (Ghosh & Vinod, 2017). Labor force participation is another important determinant, although the correlation is complex. The formal sector job generates demand for banking services through salaries, as well as familiarity with financial institutions (Aterido, Beck, & Iacovone, 2013). However, in environments where the informal sector is the norm, the correlation between labor force participation and financial inclusion could be weakened. 2.3 Digital Technology and Financial Inclusion Recent studies have also emphasized the revolutionary potential of digital technology