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IISPPR

International Relations
Ayeshna Roy

Identifying Emerging Geopolitical Alliances Through Network Analysis of United Nations Voting Patterns

This study applies network analysis to UN General Assembly voting records (2020–2025), examining patterns around the US-China rivalry, Russia-Ukraine conflict, and BRICS resolutions. Findings reveal established and emerging voting blocs, highlighting new alliance trends within today’s evolving multipolar international system.

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Uncategorized
AFSANA Akhter

The Right to Disconnect: Should India Legally Protect Employees from After-Hours Work?

Authors: Ashutosh Kumar Singh, Afsana Akhter, Sneha Batav,Yashu, Khushi Solanki, Mishra Garvita Chapter 1 Background of the Study The digital transformation of workplaces has fundamentally altered employment relationships by enabling continuous communication through emails, messaging, applications, and virtual collaboration platforms. Although these technologies have enhanced organizational flexibility and productivity, they have simultaneously blurred the distinction between the personal and professional life. The increasing expectation that the employees remain purely available beyond the prescribed working hours has generated concerns regarding work-life balance, mental-health, and occupational well-being. International labour standards increasingly recognize that decent work extends beyond the wages and encompasses reasonable working hours, rest, and the protection of worker’s dignity and health[1]. Meaning and Evolution of the Right to Disconnect The Right to Disconnect refers to an employee’s entitlement to disengage from work-related communications outside working hours without suffering adverse employment consequences. The concept gained statutory recognition in France through the Labour Code reforms of year 2016 and has subsequently influenced labour reforms in jurisdictions including Spain, Portugal, Belgium, and Australia[2]. It reflects the evolution of labour law from regulating the physical workplaces to addressing challenges arising from digital employment. Growth of Digital Work and “Always-On” Employment The expansion of remote and hybrid work, particularly following the Covid-19 pandemic, has accelerated an “always-on” work culture. Digital connectivity has improved operational efficiency but has also extended working time beyond contractual limits. The ILO and WHO have reported that long working hours significantly increase the risk of cardiovascular disease and premature mortality, demonstrating that excessive digital availability has become both a labour rights and public health concern[3]. Research Question Should India recognise and statutorily enforce a Right to Disconnect to protect employees from after-hours work, while balancing the legitimate interests of employers in a digitally connected workplace? Research Objective This study aims to examine the concept of the Right to Disconnect, analyse the adequacy of India’s legal framework, evaluate comparative legal approaches, and propose suitable legislative reforms. Research Hypothesis The study hypothesis that the existing Indian Labour Law framework inadequately protects employees from after-hours work obligations and that a statutory Right to Disconnect would better safeguard employee well-being while balancing legitimate employer interests. Scope of the Study The research focuses on the legal regulation of after-hours work in India through constitutional principles, labour legislation, judicial developments, international labour standards, and comparative jurisprudence. It does not examine contractual or senior-specific workplace policies in detail. Research Methodology The study adopts a doctrinal research methodology based on the primary sources, including constitutional provisions, labour statutes, judicial decisions, and international instruments, supplemented by peer-reviewed journal articles, government reports, and the available scholarly literature. Literature Review Existing scholarship demonstrates that digital technologies have redefined the temporal boundaries of the employment. Janine Berg and other ILO Scholars argue that the digitalization requires labour regulations to protect worker’s autonomy and health[4]. Eurofound’s research similarly concludes that the Right to Disconnect promotes work-life balance without significantly reducing organizational productivity[5]. In India, scholarly discourse acknowledges the constitutional relevance of privacy and dignity following Justice K.S Puttaswamy v. Union of India, yet highlights the absence of a dedicated statutory framework governing after-hours digital work. This study contributes to the existing literature by critically examining whether comparative legal models can be adapted to the Indian constitutional and labour law framework.   Chapter 2: Conceptual and Legal Framework of the Right to Disconnect Employees, gig workers and other wage earners are often expected to work beyond prescribed hours, reflecting the growing culture of overwork. Many continue to comply for fear of losing their jobs, highlighting the need for a right to disconnect that protects workers from an “always-on” culture. Workplace stress has become a major concern in India, with many employees experiencing anxiety, depression, and burnout. Studies consistently identify work-related stress as a key factor affecting employees’ mental health and well-being[6]. Poor work-life balance has left nearly 78% of Indian employees experiencing burnout, one of the highest rates globally[7].  In Vishakha v. State of Rajasthan (1997)[8], the Supreme Court of India held that workplace dignity is an essential part of the right to life under Article 21. Although the case concerned sexual harassment, its broader principle is equally relevant: employers cannot exercise control in a way that undermines an employee’s dignity, autonomy, or personal well-being. Several countries, including France, Australia, Belgium, Italy and Portugal, have recognised the right to disconnect by allowing employees to refuse after-hours communication without adverse consequences. In India, where the formal and informal sectors coexist and no clear demarcation for office hours exist for a large share of workforce. India is among the world’s most overworked nations, with the average employee working 46.7 hours a week according to the ILO[9].  Although the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020 regulates working hours and safety, it remains silent on after-hours digital work, highlighting the need for dedicated legislation.[10] The right also finds support in Article 21, which protects life and personal liberty. Courts have repeatedly expanded the ambit of Article 21 by recognizing the dignity, health, livelihood, and privacy of an individual. It is further supported by Articles 39(e) and 42, which promote humane working conditions. In Consumer Education and Research Centre v. Union of India (1995)[11], The SC held that workers are entitled to safe and healthy working conditions under Article 21. Moreover, Pansu suggests that a “right to a chosen connection” may be a more flexible and practical alternative to the current “Right to Disconnect” framework as this better protects employee autonomy by allowing workers to decide when and how to engage with digital work tools rather than imposing a blanket disconnection[12]. Chapter 3: Comparative Jurisdictions 3.1 – France France is widely recognized as the pioneer of the Right to Disconnect, becoming the first country to provide statutory recognition through the Labour Law (Loi n 2016-1088), commonly known as the EI Khomri Law. Effective from 1 January 2017, Article L. 2242-17 of the French Labour Code requires enterprises with at least fifty employees to negotiate policies governing the use

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SOCIOLOGY
JAVVADI VAISHNAVI

The Last Digital Footprint: Rethinking the Right to Privacy and Control over Personal Data in the Digital Afterlife and Rights in These Digital Times

This paper examines gaps in legal, constitutional, and ethical protection of personal data after death. Through comparative analysis of the US, EU, and Indian frameworks, it explores digital afterlife risks, algorithmic manipulation, and data monetization. It proposes Information Ethics, Lex Informatica, and recognition of digital remains as part of human dignity.

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International Relations
Hema Kiran Mallipudi

International Trade Agreements and Trade Volumes: Influence on the Economic Growth of Countries

Abstract:
This study examines the influence of international trade agreements and trade openness on economic growth using World Bank data from 1960–2024. Findings reveal a weak relationship between trade openness and GDP growth, highlighting the importance of institutions, infrastructure, productivity, and economic policies.

Keywords: International Trade, Trade Agreements, Trade Openness, Economic Growth, GDP Growth, World Bank

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Miscellaneous
Sharvari Joshi

Digital Remains, Postmortem Privacy and the Commercial Exploitation of a Deceased Person’s Likeness: A Comparative Analysis of Emerging Legal Frameworks in the Age of Artificial Intelligence

This study examine the emerging legal concerns surrounding Digital Remains, postmortem privacy and AI-enabled commercial exploitation of deceased persons’ identities. It analyses gaps in Indian law, considers competitive international approaches and proposes legal safeguards to protect dignity, privacy, consent and personality rights after death.

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Public Policies
Alok, Vaishnavi, Maitreyi, Sanskriti, Harshini, Yashwant

From Make in India to Atmanirbhar Bharat: An Empirical Analysis of Rising Import Tariffs and Domestic Manufacturing (2014–2025)

This study examines whether India’s shift toward higher tariffs under Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat strengthened domestic manufacturing between 2014 and 2025. Despite a marked rise in import duties, manufacturing’s share of national output remained broadly stagnant. Regression and structural-break analysis find that tariffs alone did not drive aggregate manufacturing growth, but their effects improved during the Atmanirbhar Bharat period when paired with Production-Linked Incentive schemes. Evidence from electronics, pharmaceuticals, and telecom suggests that performance-linked support can produce sector-specific gains, while raising concerns about input costs, global value-chain integration, and export competitiveness.

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Miscellaneous
Anwesha Sengupta

Micro And Macro Plastic Contamination, Analysis, and Detection in Water Bodies: A Fixed-Effects Panel Study of Indian States (2016-2021)

Authors: Bhadra A H, Anwesha Sengupta, Aliahad Altaf Melani, Sai Malavika, Chanchal Rathee, Chennaboina Komal Sai Siddardha, Rutuja Buchewad ABSTRACT Plastic pollution in freshwater systems is an escalating environmental concern, with implications for ecosystem integrity, water quality, and public health. This paper reviews research on microplastic and macroplastic contamination in aquatic environments and empirically examines how plastic waste generation and economic development relate to freshwater quality in Indian states from 2016 to 2021. Using an unbalanced state-level panel of 75 observations, the study applies a fixed-effects regression model with Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) as the dependent variable, state-level plastic waste generation as a proxy for plastic contamination, and Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) as an indicator of economic development. The findings show a statistically significant negative association between GSDP and BOD, suggesting that higher economic development is associated with improved freshwater quality, likely through better wastewater treatment and regulatory capacity. In contrast, plastic waste generation is not significantly associated with BOD, indicating that conventional water-quality indicators such as BOD may not adequately capture the environmental effects of plastic pollution. The study highlights the need for more comprehensive monitoring frameworks, including plastic-specific indicators, and finer-grained spatial analysis to better understand the distribution and impacts of plastic contamination across Indian freshwater systems. Keywords: Microplastics, Macroplastics, Wastewater Treatment, Drinking Water, Plastic Waste   Management,   Freshwater   quality;   Plastic   waste   generation. INTRODUCTION Plastic is a material that is essential in today’s society due to its light weight, durability, and low cost (Wagner et al, 2014, as cited by Yang et al, 2021). It is used widely in many industries, including packaging, construction, healthcare, agriculture, textiles, and more. But the growing amount of plastic waste accumulated and disposed of in an improper way has posed serious environmental risks globally. Every year, tons of plastic waste are dumped into rivers, lakes, groundwater, and oceans, where plastics persist for extended periods of time because they break down very slowly. The plastic pollution in aquatic environments is typically divided into macroplastics (larger than 5mm) and microplastics (smaller than 5mm). Macroplastics are made up of larger plastic products like bottles, bags, food containers and fishing gear, while microplastics are either fragments of larger plastic products or manufacturing products like cosmetic microbeads and synthetic textile fibers. Plastic pollution in all forms pose a risk to water quality and aquatic ecosystems. Water bodies are important vectors for pollution coming from urban, industrial, and agricultural sources to larger water bodies. Plastics can end up in sediments, and then be transferred to the food chain as they travel through rivers and lakes. Plastic contamination is not just a problem, but recent studies depict that microplastic presence is indicated in groundwater and drinking water (Duan et al, 2021). These results have led to implications posed about ecological sustainability and potential human health risks. In addition to surface water and sediments, microplastics have also been found in packaged and bottled drinking water (Marin et al, 2023), which means that direct concerns have been about human ingestion via the food chain as well as through the consumption of drinking-water-safety problems, rather than just an ecological one. Thus, the purpose of this literature review is to explore the current research on microplastic and macroplastic contamination in water bodies. It highlights the main sources of pollution, transport pathways, contamination of various aquatic environments, the effects of urban land-use and usage patterns, environmental and human health impacts, and existing management and removal strategies and identifies areas where further research is needed. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK To explain the observed relationships, this study relies on three theoretical ideas-the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC), the source-pathway-receptor model of pollution, and the ecological sustainability/ecosystem-services paradigm. First, the EKC hypothesis suggests a particular income-environment relationship according to which environmental degradation rises until a given level of aggregate income is surpassed and begins converging downwards as income keeps growing (Grossman and Krueger, 1995). This is a reasonable explanation for the negative and statistically significant association between SGDP and BOD found in this study because the latter is a measure of organic waste and municipal sewage. The turning point income level could be considered the threshold beyond which increased urbanization, regulatory oversight, and capital intensity counteract the polluting pressures of growth. Thus, the phenomenon driving the association between SGDP and BOD in this study aligns with the EKC in that the former partially offsets the negative implications of the latter for water quality. Next, in terms of the source-pathway-receptor (SPR) conceptualization of pollution, the present findings indicate that the SPR in which receptor organisms are freshwater macro- and meiofauna is responsible for the association between BOD and SGDP found in this study. The fact that a similar SPR with plastics as the source, pathway, and receptor failed to show a comparable association suggests that the BOD test is only sensitive to organic waste as the receptor part of the SPR. Therefore, the lack of a similar relationship for plastic waste in this study is explained by the BOD’s insensitivity to the latter’s presence in water. Finally, the ecological sustainability/ecosystem-services approach emphasizes the importance of freshwater bodies as regulators, providers, and supports of life and biodiversity (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005). From this viewpoint, both plastic waste and organic sewage represent stressors with varying modes of action that diminish the regulating and supporting capacity of freshwater ecosystems. Thus, with regard to the findings of this study, the EKC-driven association between SGDP and BOD fits within this theoretical framework in that both are negative influencers of freshwater ecosystem integrity. Meanwhile, the SPR framework is also compatible with the results in that both plastic waste and BOD represent three different parts of an SPR – in this case, acting as a source, pathway, and receptor. Overall, the study’s findings are compatible with all three theoretical frameworks used for this study. REVIEW OF LITERATURE All reviewed studies report several sources of aquatic exposure for plastics. One of the key contributors is urban areas where plastic accumulation takes place, and where municipal waste is not

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FINANCE
Shaana Faizal

INDIA’S RISING IMPORT TARIFFS SINCE 2014 UNDER THE MAKE IN INDIA POLICY: AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT OF THEIR IMPACT ON IMPORT VOLUMES AND DEPENDENCE ON CHINESE GOODS

Authors: SK Sanjana Chithambaram, KR Valliammai, Soumya Mittal, Shaana Faizal, Samanvi Mandapati, Manya Hegade S ABSTRACT This study examines whether India’s import tariff increases under the Make in India policy, launched in September 2014, achieved the stated objective of reducing dependence on foreign goods, particularly from China. Using product-level tariff and trade data from the World Bank’s WITS database for 2010–2023, we have analyzed and applied tariff rates, import volumes, and China’s share of India’s imports. Findings here indicate that tariffs rose sharply in the year 2018–2019, with the China-specific weighted average peaking at approximately 8.16% and the simple average reaching 12.2%, yet this had no discernible effect on aggregate import volumes, which continued to grow. China’s share of India’s imports similarly rose from 11.1% to 16.1%, directly contradicting the policy’s geopolitical rationale. A Pearson correlation test was made betweenChina-specific tariff rates and import volumes from China, yielding r = –0.12 (p ≈ 0.72), confirming no statistically significant relationship. The paper portrays a contrast between two sectors through comparative case analysis. The mobile phone/electronics sector, supported by the Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) and the Phased Manufacturing Programme (PMP), saw measurable success. In contrast, the solar panel industry still relies on Chinese imports for over 80% of cell and module requirements despite the tariffs. These outcomes hence illustrate that tariff policy alone is insufficient without complementary industrial capacity-building through supply chain development, technology transfer, and firm-level capabilities. Keywords: Make in India, import tariffs, trade policy, import dependence, China, mobile phones, solar panels, Production-Linked Incentive, protectionism, WITS database 1. INTRODUCTION India’s trade policy has shifted markedly since the year 2014. The Make in India initiative, launched in September 2014, departed from the post-1991 liberalization agenda toward a more interventionist, protectionist approach aimed at boosting domestic manufacturing and reducing import dependency, particularly on China (Athukorala, 2020; Panagariya, 2024). The primaryinstrument used was the import tariff. Between the year of 2014 and 2023, India raised customs duties across multiple sectors, with the steepest hikes occurring in the year 2018–2019 Union Budget; this added 5–15% duties on items ranging from mobile phones and automobile components to textiles and agricultural products (Athukorala, 2020). The simple average tariff peaked at 12.2% during this period, while the aggregate weighted average reached 7.32% in 2015 and the China-specific weighted average peaked at approximately 8.16% in 2020, marking a substantial reversal of the post-1991 liberalization trajectory. This paper hence addresses the question of whether this protectionist strategy achieved its intended objectives. Existing research has documented the shift toward protectionism but largely stopped short of evaluating its outcomes. Panagariya (2024) notes the rise in average import tariffs since 2014, with peaks reaching 12.5% for automobiles, and warns that this trend could jeopardise long-term manufacturing competitiveness. Athukorala (2020) here similarly argues that post-2014 trade policy deviates from the 1991 liberalisation approach, contending that the tariff increases risk jeopardising India’s competitiveness and its integration into the global value chains. Chaudhury (2022) finds that structural obstacles prevented Make in India from attracting substantial foreign direct investment, suggesting that tariff increases alone are insufficient without a parallel improvement in manufacturing capability. Rawat et al. (2021) compare India and China through sectoral case studies and find that while mobile phone manufacturing benefited from tariff protection and the Phased Manufacturing Programme, India’s broader manufacturing performance remains weak, constrained by gaps in infrastructure, productivity, and industrial capacity. Chaudhary (2025) and Chaudhry, Sharma, and Chaudhery (2025) further highlight the persistent imbalances in India–China bilateral trade, noting that it continued its reliance on Chinese imports across several sectors despite policy interventions. None of these studies, however, empirically tested whether tariff hikes actually reduced India’s aggregate import dependence or China’s share of India’s imports; they only described the policy and its structural context without assessing the outcomes against stated goals. This paper, drawn from data of fourteen years at a product-level (2010–2023) from the World Bank’s WITS database, addresses the four research questions: Did India’s average import tariffs rise after 2014? Did higher tariffs reduce total import volumes? Did dependence on Chinese imports decline following tariff increases? Is there a statistically significant relationship between the tariff levels and import dependence? To ground the aggregate analysis in this sectoral reality, the study hence examines two contrasting sectors: mobile phones/electronics and solar panels. The mobile phone sector, supported by the Phased Manufacturing Programme (2017) and the Production-Linked Incentive scheme (2020), is widely known as the Make in India success. Domestic electronics production rose from ₹1.90 lakh crore in FY2015 to ₹9.52 lakh crore in FY2024, with nearly 99% of smartphones sold in India being produced domestically by FY2024. Exports grew from a negligible base in FY2016 to ₹88,726 crore by FY2023, and manufacturing facilities expanded from 3 in 2014 to 268 units by 2018. The solar panel sector illustrates the limits of the tariff-driven policy: despite the 25% basic customs duty on cells and 40% on modules (April 2022), the Approved List of Models and Manufacturers, and an expanded PLI allocation (₹4,500 crore to ₹24,000 crore), India yet remains heavily dependent on Chinese imports which are constrained due to technology dependence, limited manufacturing capacity, high capital costs, and low R&D investment. This underscores that tariffs alone are insufficient, absent complementary factors such as supply chain ecosystems, technology transfer, and firm-level capabilities. Research objective This study pursues two central objectives. First, it empirically assesses India’s aggregate and sector-specific tariff trajectory from 2010 to 2023 to determine whether the tariff increases introduced under the Make in India policy translated into measurable reductions in India’s import dependence on China at the product and sectoral levels. Second, through a comparative case study of the mobile phone/electronics and solar panel sectors, it examines why tariff protection succeeded in reducing Chinese import dependence in one sector but failed in the other, identifying supply chain ecosystem development, technology transfer, and firm-level capabilities as complementary factors that mediate the effectiveness of tariff policy as a tool of import substitution. 2. LITERATURE REVIEW This section discusses key perspectives and prior research on

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