IISPPR

Category: Blog

Post Brexit EU-UK Relations:Trade and Cooperation Agreement

By Tamanna Yadav The United Kingdom‘s departure from the EU had a significant impact on the continent. The UK was a member of the EU since January 1973, but unfortunately, its membership come to an end in January 2020. While the UK had turned into an independent state, it faced several economic setbacks as it was establishing itself as a non-EU member state. The Trade Corporation Agreement (TAC) was signed between the two countries in December 2020 to help maintain the relationship that had existed for 47 years. The TAC laid the basis for trade, cooperation, and governance between the two countries. The UK has been trying to establish itself as a resourceful, strong-headed country while facing challenges along the way. EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement 2020: The United Kingdom exited the European Union on January 31, 2020, and both countries reached an agreement regarding their future relationship. The Trade and Cooperation Agreement was signed in December 2020 and, after the approval of the EU parliament, adopted by the British council (EU Trade Relations With the United Kingdom. Facts, Figures and Latest Developments., 2022). The United Kingdom (UK) European Union partnership is based on the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA), which was applied on January 1, 2021, and came into force in May 2021. While the TCA is a trade agreement, it covers not just trade in sectors such as goods, services, and investment and also a range of areas falling in the EU’s interest, such as energy and sustainability, fishery, and air and road transport (EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement | Access2Markets, n.d.). The TCA will by no means be able to match the standard of economic integration that existed when the UK was an EU member, but the TCA goes beyond traditional free trade agreements.  TCA provides a strong basis for preserving the longstanding relationship between the two countries, as it includes three major —-. First, a free trade agreement with cooperation on economic, social, environmental, and fishery issues. The FTA offers a new spectrum on issues of transport, energy, social security coordination, energy and sustainability, and state aid. Second, a close partnership on citizen’s security, which focuses on recognizing the need for cooperation between the judiciary and law enforcement authorities for fighting cross-border crime and terrorism. It also shed light on the fact that the UK being a non-EU state, will not receive the same facilities as before. Thirdly, an overarching horizontal governance framework. The horizontal agreement focuses on giving legal clarity to businesses and individuals about the functioning and process of the TAC. Furthermore, foreign policy, external security, and defence cooperation have not been covered by the agreement. There is therefore no framework set between the EU and the UK to coordinate the imposition of sanctions on countries since January 2021. As TAC is more focused on trade, it does not cover discussions on financial services, UK data protection regime. (The EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement, n.d.) Impact of the UK’s exit from the EU: The United Kingdom’s economy has faced a hit to the economy since Brexit. Trade, investment, and jobs have faced major difficulties with the new system at hand. Companies trading with the EU had faced challenges with the new framework, new rules, and new checks put in place. This put in fear over 550 billion euros of trade between the UK and its trading partners (David, 2023). Significantly, the direct impact of Brexit was the introduction of trade barriers, tariffs and quotas. Small scale firms faced several challenges in exporting goods as they were operating at a smaller level (Portes, 2023). A total of 71 trade deals are in the process of completion but have been stuck, considering a vast majority of the deals have been replicated since Britain was a part of the EU. The UK has signed deals with Australia, New Zealand, but it is doubtful if they will help boost the economy. In addition, there are talks of deals with India and members of a trans-Pacific pact. But it will take time for development and establishment. Trade deals with the US and China remain difficult to establish as an independent country as opposed to when the UK was an EU member. The UK government should let in more workers in the country as a lack of workers has resulted in shortages and increased bills for the customers. According to a study done by the think tanks centre of the European Reform have noticed that there are 330,000 fewer workers for jobs after Brexit. It might be a small proportion of total workers but difficulties are being faced in sectors such as transport, hospitality and retail (David, 2023). In conclusion, the UK’s exit from the EU has resulted in economic turmoil and challenges in the country. TAC is one such agreement to redefine the relationship between the UK and the EU. The TAC will help in reinforcing ties and help the UK to become an independent country. However, it underscores the complexities and challenges to overcome the effect of its exit on the economy, particularly the financial sector and foreign policy coordination. As both sides aim to navigate an improved future, it aims for negotiation and adjustments its way seeking to maximize job opportunities, and balancing trade with new partners. References

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THE ROLE OF DHARMA IN THE CONTEMPORARY STRATEGIC THOUGHT OF INDIA.

The looming challenge in the contemporary world is often one to be contested in its vitality. In connection with the setting of our ever-evolving dimension, the choice of mannerisms that one must adopt, to excel in the selected sphere is a question that explores answers which outwit the excellence of the scenario. Regardless of the plethora of available solutions to the applicable situation, the individuals in question tend to make a choice that reproduces repercussions that are not predictable at the primary stance. Resulting from such unforeseen consequences arises the attribute of hollow satisfaction which further persuades the actor to complete the unfinished – by those means that are undefined and possess incomplete assurance of their nourishment. This blog aims to establish that even though Darvin’s thesis of ‘Survival of the Fittest’ lures immense favour in the perpetual 21st century, on being supplemented with a vital intersection of monism and dharma of Advaita and Righteousness, the contemporaries can experience a triumphant composure, not only at an individual but also in a collective milieu. This blog is divided into three sections. The first section broadly, yet briefly identifies the topics of Monism and Dharma as presented under the umbrella topics of Advaita and the Mahabharata. The second section is further bifurcated into three subsections that individually deal with the chief concepts of Advaita and Mahabharat, while also attempting the prime integration of monism and dharma in the quotidian task of individualistic decision-making. Finally, the third section exercises the dual attributes of primarily justifying the validity, utilisation as well as sustainability of the integration and subsequently, presents the various spheres of practicality, whereby the essentiality of the integration may differ from one connotation to another. Just as the contexts of space and time impersonate the vitality of dimensions, the 21st century and the combination of ethical and moral decision-making formulate the intensity of contentment after the execution of a decision that has been promulgated. What is more contentious is the duality of the contentment – whether the contentment is genuine or is it just a façade after all. The step–by–step methodology of actively exercising a decision is a three-fold activity. It begins with encountering the problem of the given case scenario, followed by the ideal identification of the proposition with respect to the case scenario and culminating with the appropriate resolve to the problem of the case scenario at hand, in accordance with the identified proposition/standpoint of the individual. While the three-fold procedure appears to be one that perhaps is a natural tendency for mankind to react to, without focusing with adequate consciousness, truth be told, the practicality of the same rather falsifies this assumption. This report, through means of constructively conceiving and integrating the notions of monism and dharma, also provides for the optional methodology of systematic analysis and formulation of individualistically appealing attributes that would further permit the enhancement of the decision-making capacity. Life, as understood by mankind, is an amalgamation of events, situations, and developments, which occur repeatedly, with or without the conscious knowledge of the actors/recipients even when they are active/passive participants in the cause-and-effect scenarios of momentary and daily phenomena. What appears to be the core matter of contention can be labelled as a two-fold symbiotic action-reaction of reception and reciprocation of manoeuvres pertaining to one’s lifestyle. It is this context of reception and reciprocation that poses the requirement of the person’s focus and intellect, to actively and comprehensively – not only attend to the individualistic minuscule details of the perceived scenario but also succeed in establishing a course of reactionary gestures that are in the best interest of all parties involved. To interpret this in layman’s language, it would mean that regardless of a person’s individualistic understanding of a given case scenario, they must formulate a reverberation that aims to enhance the lives of the involved individuals and further promote progress in society. As Deepshika Shahi, in her article Rethinking the absence of post-Western International Relations theory in India: ‘Advaitic monism’ as an alternative epistemological resource, points out, “The concept of Advaita (literally meaning non-dual or non-secondness) pre-supposes a monist epistemology that, unlike the conventional epistemologies based on a fundamental subject-object distinction, ties the perceiver (subject) and the perceived (object) together with a globe marked with ‘single hidden connectedness’ or Brahman.”1, we can grasp the fact that the entire concept of making a society-friendly decision is based on the subject-object divide. If the divide is nonexistent, the understanding, as well as the decision, is sure to be one that is societal-friendly. However, the contrary may employ a self–centred reaction, countering the very essence of Advaitic ideology. Thence, it is essential that despite the individualistic interpretation of a scenario, the doer must commit oneself to fix on an option that is beneficial for the common good of the masses, thereby nullifying the constructively obstructive divide. As a contemporary relation, let us assume the response of India towards Israel (spanning the diplomatic journey since  its declaration as a state) and Hamas (since the October 7, 2023 attack on the state of Israel). India’s Palestine policy has evolved over the years. When the UN General Assembly voted on a resolution to partition Palestine into a Jewish state, an Arab state and an international city (Jerusalem) in November 1947, India, along with Pakistan and the Arab bloc, voted against it. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had compared the settler Zionists in historical Palestine to the Muslim League of undivided India. His position was that India, having gone through the horrors of Partition, should not support the partition of Palestine. But when the state of Israel was declared in May 1948, India swiftly adopted a pragmatic line: in 1950, it recognised Israel, but stopped short of establishing full diplomatic relations. Throughout the Cold War, India, an advocate of Third World autonomy, was one of the most vocal supporters of the Palestine cause. To constructively imbibe the essence of the epic Mahabharata and also wisely interpret the underlying conveyed concept of Dharma,

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The Rise of Public Executions in North Korea: A Grim Reality

By Harini Vallal J The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) or North Korea has been an authoritarian state for 70 years, led by the Kim family.[1] It is ruled by one of the world’s longest-standing dynastic dictatorships.[2] Human rights are severely restricted in the country.[3] There is no free expression, religion, or movement. The country uses the Songbun system to categorise people based on their perceived political loyalty and family background.[4] The government maintains a tight grip on its citizens through a variety of means, including public executions, which aids in the maintenance of power by discouraging descent and instilling loyalty. Recently, there has been a noticeable increase in the frequency of these public executions, raising concerns among international observers and human rights organizations. This article will explore the rise of public executions in North Korea, examining the historical context, recent trends, and global reactions. In its early days, the state employed the death penalty to consolidate its control, but it has since evolved into a tool for crushing dissent and imposing stringent communist values. North Korea asserts that public executions are not carried out, and that the primary purpose of the death penalty is deterrence.[5] However, the reports reflect a different story. According to new research, nearly 1,400 North Koreans were publicly executed between 2000 and 2013, with the number reaching a high of 160 in 2009.[6] According to a Human Rights Watch study, the government periodically publicly kills civilians for stealing state property, hoarding food, and other “anti-socialist” crimes.[7] Political offences such as dissent, defection attempts, and following South Korean media are allegedly widespread. Economic crimes including smuggling and black market activities can also carry the death penalty, often served publicly. Executions are often carried out in front of large crowds, including young children. According to a recent report issued by the South Korean Ministry of Unification, public executions in North Korea are becoming more common. In 2022, a 22-year-old was executed in South Hwanghae province. His only transgression was to listen to 70 South Korean songs and share three films.[8] Furthermore, they have conducted public executions for breaking the country’s COVID-19 legislation. However, the government appears to have taken attempts to minimise the number of executions during the peak of the COVID-19 epidemic in order to prevent infection spread. However, now that the pandemic has reduced, the number of public executions has increased. Prior to the COVID-19 outbreak, North Korea had an annual average of roughly 10 public executions, but over the last year, this figure has risen to an estimated 100 or more.[9] In one example, almost 20,000 locals were compelled to attend to see an execution at the Hyesan Airfield. Furthermore, there have been cases of teenagers and pregnant women facing execution.[10] Despite all of these examples and accounts, the authorities claim that public executions are clearly prohibited by a Ministry of Public Security regulation. The head of Kangwon Province’s provincial court similarly asserts that there are no designated execution grounds in his province and that the location of execution is decided by the authorities and is undisclosed to the general public.[11] The official narrative presents individuals executed as traitors or serious criminals whose acts jeopardise national security and public safety. State-controlled media portrays a reasonable punishment, confirming the regime’s dominance and the repercussions of noncompliance. However, as international criticism has increased, studies indicate that the leadership is paying more attention to human rights issues, but this does not imply that the human rights situation is improving. It’s just done clandestinely. The government has progressively avoided carrying out executions in densely populated residential areas, where authorities struggled to keep track of individuals present, as well as holding executions near its borders and at facilities that can be easily observed by satellites.[12] The Transitional Justice Working Group (TJWG) discovered that almost all of the reported state-sanctioned killings were public executions by firing squad. They also discovered that executions occur most frequently in areas such as “river banks, open spaces and fields, market places, hills/mountains, sports grounds, and school grounds.”[13] Witnesses, including children and young adults, are frequently forced to attend, in order to instil fear in the general population from an early age. The international community has strongly denounced North Korea’s public executions. Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch document these tragedies, emphasising the brutal character and psychological impact of executions on the populace. The United Nations General Assembly has voted numerous resolutions denouncing North Korea’s human rights record, which includes public executions. A 2014 UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in North Korea found that the regime engaged in egregious, systematic, and pervasive human rights violations such as extermination, murder, enslavement, torture, imprisonment, rape, forced abortions, and other forms of sexual violence. In November 2020, the UN General Assembly’s third committee unanimously endorsed a resolution denouncing North Korea’s human rights situation.[14] Despite these resolutions and the sanctions imposed for human rights violations, North Korea’s isolationist practices, such as strong censorship and the self-reliance philosophy known as Juche, allow it to resist foreign influence. In essence, the increase in public executions in North Korea is caused by a variety of variables. Internally, the administration aims to retain control and prevent dissent in the face of mounting discontent. Economic difficulties, worsened by international sanctions, have led to increasing crackdowns on activities such as smuggling and defection efforts, resulting in more executions. Furthermore, Kim Jong-un’s attempts to consolidate control and eliminate prospective threats have contributed to an increase in public executions. International condemnation remains high, but its impact is limited. The human cost of this heinous practice is apparent. As the world grapples with North Korea, tackling the issue remains a difficult task. [1] U.S. Department of State. (n.d.). U.S. Department of State. https://www.state.gov/reports/2018-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/democratic-peoples-republic-of-korea/ [2] Council on Foreign Relations. (n.d.). North Korea’s power structure. Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/north-koreas-power-structure [3] Human rights in North Korea. Amnesty International. (n.d.). https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/asia-and-the-pacific/east-asia/north-korea/report-korea-democratic-peoples-republic-of/ [4] The North Korean People’s challenges. The North Korean People’s Challenges.

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The psychological impact of dictatorship in a world of democracy. A brief look at authoritative regimes.

The impact of dictatorship or authoritative regimes on the mental health and overall psychology of individuals extremely depends on the history of the country and their people. I argue that countries that have a history of good leadership and good democracy, suffer more mentally if that very country falls under a dictatorship or authoritative regime, in contrast to countries with no history of good leadership or democracy, which have been under dictatorship for at least two generations. Often in authoritative regimes, rulers twist everything to their demands and needs. How they want the country to run, in their favour. Very often, in doing so, they also twist the minds of individuals, with propaganda, portraying themselves as gods, or supreme leaders, or in extreme cases, fear plays a bigger role in how people behave in a country, because of the regime they’re under. Similarly, with individuals living in closed dictatorship regimes, that have been running for at least two generations, how do the individuals feel, how is their mental health, and how do they react mentally, when they come in contact with a different country, a freer country compared to theirs?  In this analysis report, I have used two articles, one of which was on Egypt, its dictatorship, its unstable government and the psychology of individuals living in such a state. This is a report on refugees who have escaped from North Korea, a closed dictatorship country with high control and censorship over their citizens, seeking refuge in South Korea, and China. Elsayed, Yasser Abdel Razek wrote an article on ‘Gods never fall sick or die dictatorship and mental health in Egypt’ which emphasised and brought out a perspective on the mental health of individuals living in Egypt, a country that has seen other forms of government and regimes around them, and they have been under an unstable government for a long time. As per Elsayed, Yasser Abdel Razek, corruption, loot, unemployment, suppression of freedom of speech and various other means of suppression through which, citizens get frustrated. Which leads to them hoping to get rid of their leaders. When that doesn’t happen, they hope for them to pass on naturally, and die a natural death. But after years of going through the same torment, and regime, individuals start to view them as inevitable supreme leaders, losing hope for a better tomorrow. In such countries, the socioeconomic problem is also a big factor that affects everyone’s mental health, not just in such countries, but generally too. But specifically in such countries, hopelessness, vulnerability to disasters, vulnerability in general, insecurity, and risk of torture or hurt increase tremendously. Fustration rises to a level where citizens believe their leader can do anything. They see them as supreme leaders, as mentioned before. Another study, done by Woo-Teak Jeon, MD, corresponding author Shi-Eun Yu, MA, Young-A Cho, PhD, and Jin-Sup Eom, MA on Refuges who escaped from North Korea, refuging in South Korea and analysed their mental health. They were hoping from an extreme dictatorship country to breathe the air of the other side. The paper is titled ‘Traumatic Experiences and Mental Health of North Korean Refugees in South Korea’. Which studied the trauma and experiences of individuals who escaped. In such regimes, escaping is close to impossible, hence it is quite given that casualties and difficulties will be encountered. The research gave an idea of how that affected individuals, and how the regime affected them. Individuals were also given personality assessments, which revealed that they (refuged North Koreans) scored higher than the South Koreans. In gender comparison, men showed more alcohol problems and non-support to others. A study was conducted before this paper in the 2000s called the Hong’s Report. Which reported and analyzed individuals from North Korea, who escaped and entered China. This has been compared with this paper, and a few striking points have been made in them. Firstly, between 2006 and 2007, there was a weakening in social control by the government, shown by the progress in their life, without any big change. Secondly, it showed that over time, the trauma of escaping and even before, living in a dictator country, had reduced. But later, another study by Yu, in 2006, showed that the trauma levels have increased again. Perhaps we could see the slipping of the tight hold that the dictator had. Furthermore, through these studies, it is indicated that looking for mental health issues in North Koreans was wrong because they had nothing wrong with them. What’s interesting is that, after their escape, that’s when they developed mania and Schizophonia, after coming in contact with the outside world. Perhaps because of the huge cultural shock and the vast difference between North Korea to any other country. The research also mentioned, that men and women also portrayed very different behaviours, men being the more aggressive alcoholics who were provided no social support in North Korea, compared to women, who showed more depressive tendencies. Interestingly, the North Korean refugees also were given the warmth test. This test evaluates how warm, loving and caring an individual is, to how cold or dismissive they are. The scale gives a spectrum of interpersonal relationships. As it turns out, females in North, and South Korea, have more or less the same level of warmth that they show, compared to men, refugees in North Korea, portray more warmth than South Korean men. This shows, that even with less social support to men, they are still warm in their interpersonal relations, hospitable, as well as more readily acceptable to others. The North Korean refugees, find it hard to adjust to the much freer society that South Korea is. With trauma and living life under major control, it will take support and understanding from South Korea, to integrate them into their society. And so is the case with major dictatorship countries, where trauma and bad experiences leave a mark on individuals, who don’t have mental illness, but get one when they seek refugee in other countries, other

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The Military Regime and The Scare of Capital Punishment in Myanmar​

Introduction On July 25, 2022, the state of Myanmar carried out capital punishment after approximately three decades. According to the state-run newspaper ‘Global New Light of Myanmar’, four executions were carried out based on charges of terror activities. This included the execution of Phyo Zeya Thaw, a former member of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), and prominent democracy activist Kyaw Min Yu. They were convicted and sentenced to death under the Anti-Terrorism Law, by a military tribunal in January for offenses involving explosives, bombings, and financing terrorism. According to Amnesty International, the charges are politically motivated. Additionally, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw were sentenced to death for the alleged murder of a woman believed to act as an informer for the military in Hlaing Tharyar in Yangon. Global Outrage and Condemnation !​ These instances of capital punishment led to worldwide outrage and condemnation. UN human rights chief Michelle Bachelet condemned the execution in the strongest terms and said, “I am dismayed that despite appeals from across the world, the military conducted these executions with no regard for human rights. This cruel and regressive step is an extension of the military’s ongoing repressive campaign against its people.”Countries like France and Japan also criticized the decision of Myanmar’s Military Junta while the US national security council described the killings as “heinous”. International organizations such as Amnesty International came out strongly against the act of Myanmar’s Military-led Government. Amnesty International’s Regional Director Erwin van der Borght said, “These executions amount to arbitrary deprivation of lives and are another example of Myanmar’s atrocious human rights record.”​ He further stated, “These executions – the first in Myanmar in decades – are cruel violations of the rights to life, liberty, and security of a person, and fair trial guarantees. For the military to widen its killing will only deepen its entanglement in the crisis it has itself created.” ​ Historical Context of Myanmar’s Military Regime !​ The political history of Myanmar under the military regime is marked by widespread violence. In 1962, the democratic structure of the country was overthrown by a military coup led by General Ne Win, who remained in power for 26 years. Following the collapse of Myanmar’s economy, public uprisings demanding democracy, and the emergence of a black market economy, the military regime launched a massive crackdown in 1988 which led to the death of more than 3000 civilians and the displacement of a large number of people.​ Recent Developments and Ongoing Conflict !​ The military rule continued over the years, and so did the violence. The year 2011 witnessed a breakthrough. The military junta was dissolved after years of widespread protests, and a military-dominated parliament was set up headed by former army bureaucrat and Prime Minister Thein. In 2015, Myanmar held its first nationwide, multiparty elections. The NLD led by Aung San Suu Kyi registered a landslide victory. However, for most of its existence, Myanmar remained in a state of conflict, both military and ethnic.​ In February 2021, the civilian government in the country was brought down by a coup headed by General Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of the Tatmadaw. Since then, a state of emergency has been imposed in the country. The government has promised to conduct free and fair elections. However, the country is engulfed in a new wave of violence. According to the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) in Burma, 14,847 people have been arrested since the coup, while 11,759 remain in detention. 76 prisoners have been sentenced to death since the coup, including two children and 1 person, who have been sentenced to death in absentia.​ The Resurgence of Capital Punishment !​ Despite the ongoing conflict, the recent instances of capital punishment sparked worldwide concern. The executions are the first to be carried out in Myanmar since the 1980s. The Myanmar military issued a Martial Law Order 3/2021, according to which the authority to try civilians is transferred to special or existing military tribunals without any right to appeal. Amnesty International has also shown concern due to the dangerous increase in the use of the death penalty in Myanmar, as a tool to stop or minimize the ongoing agitation.​ Global Perspective on Capital Punishment !​ According to the US-based Death Penalty Information Center, “More than 70% of the countries in the world have abolished capital punishment in law and practice.” According to the “UN RESOLUTION FOR A UNIVERSAL MORATORIUM ON THE USE OF THE DEATH PENALTY” the UN reaffirms that the application of the death penalty violates human dignity and “calls upon all States that still maintain it to establish a moratorium on executions”. In 2020, the resolution was strengthened and stressed better conduct of the death row prisoners, and protecting women and children. It recognized the role of Civil Society “in pursuing local and national debates and regional initiatives on the death penalty”. 123 countries voted in its favor.​ However, unlike most of the world where capital punishment is not used and the trials are conducted in a comparatively fair manner, in Myanmar, under the Military Junta, there is no legal machinery and transparency for the protection of rights and people. As a result, they face a constant threat to their lives and rights.​ Human Rights Violations !​ The situation in Myanmar is a matter of grave concern. The relatives of those who were executed were deprived of any information and were kept waiting. The mother of Zayar Thaw said she was not aware when precisely her son would be executed, and thus was unable to make proper traditional funeral plans. “When we met on Zoom last Friday, my son was healthy and smiling. He asked me to send his reading glasses, dictionary, and some money to use in prison, so I brought those things to the prison today. That’s why I didn’t think they would kill him. I didn’t believe it”, she said. Similar stories could be heard from the relatives of the executed.​ Conclusion​

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