Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War: The Hidden Tactic of Conflict and Control
By Swastika Sahoo, Samriddhi Shet, Tarisha Delisha P Varghese.
Introduction
“The use of rape as a weapon of war is not a side effect of conflict—it is a strategy.” – Angelina Jolie, UNHCR Special Envoy
Sexual violence as a strategy in war has always existed, rising above an individual infliction to a catalyzing tactic in warfare. From ancient times during invasions to modern battles, the female body is a marked symbol of subjugation, terror, and control over populated areas. The use of sexual violence as a strategy is deliberate and systemic in nature—it is not incidental or random. It is aimed at tearing apart communities, humiliating enemies, and declaring boundaries. Even with the formation of international framework like such as the Geneva Conventions and UN Security Council Resolutions intended to penalize such acts, their enforcement remains extremely ineffective.
The most urgent problem for the international community, and in particular for the United Nations, is the complete absence of action in dealing with the phenomena of sexual violence in conflict, particularly in Afghanistan, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and many others. Inflicting violence against women and children remains unchecked. There is legislation on the books, but the demand for real accountability, which would break the circles of trauma, is too little, too late. This article attempts to evaluate the impact of international organizations on the psychology of sexual violence in war, and where these plans of action are enacted, the gendered violence of war is evaluated globally. If such violence goes unchecked, post-conflict societies will be grappling with the implications of brutality far beyond the seasons of battle, resulting in scars within the society that persist long after the conflict has ceased.
Global Cases of Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War
Sexual violence as one of the most inhuman forms of war instrument has been put to use since the start of time. Women have been used as objects of collateral damage against all war backdrops. While the nature of sexual violence along conflict-oriented lines differs from region to region, its stark and unsettling presence cannot be denied. The predesigned framework for protection of women against rape and sexual violence by declaring them as crimes against humanity and genocidal crime in certain cases has miserably stumbled when it comes to the differences between their goals and on ground implementation.
Alarmingly high rates of rape during and after conflict are shown by the available data: between 250,000 and 500,000 women and girls were raped during the Rwandan genocide in 1994; over 60,000 during Sierra Leone’s civil war; between 20,000 and 50,000 during Bosnia and Herzegovina’s war; and at least 200,000 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since 1996. Even though these figures are startling, they typically represent significant underestimations of the true victim count, as the majority of victims never come forward to the police. (UN woman, 2008)
Three broad categories can be used to classify sexual violence during conflict: widespread, purposeful, and classified as a war tactic; tolerated but not specifically directed by leaders; and perpetrated independently by individuals when the chance presents itself.(Kaplan,2023).
While counting down instances of sexual violence being used as war weaponry, the 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russian troops saw numerous inhuman psychological warfare techniques, which include rapes as a military strategy to dehumanize the victim. A four-year-old being asked to perform oral sex on a soldier while her family members are forced to witness the same is an act of utmost devious intentions.
In Haiti, gangs use sexual violence as a system to instill fear and terror amongst people as a punishment against their gang alignment. Not only women but men and children also fall prey to such inhuman practices.
If we scroll the globe a bit more, similar instances in the Ethiopian civil war can’t be missed. According to a report published in August 2021 by Amnesty International, Tigrayan women and girls were being subjected to “rape, gang rape, sexual slavery, sexual mutilation, and torture” by Ethiopian government-aligned forces. This was a part of a “strategy to terrorize, degrade, and humiliate” individuals and the ethnic group as a whole.
“The Psychology of Perpetrators: Understanding the Mindset Behind Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War.”
The use of women as collateral damage in war raises complex questions about male behavior in conflict zones. From a psychological perspective, men’s mistreatment of women during war often stems from power imbalances, cultural norms, and the stress of combat.
Social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) suggests that in military settings, aggressive behavior is often encouraged and rewarded, making violence seem normal. Sexual violence during war is sometimes used as a deliberate strategy to dominate and intimidate communities (Wood, 2006). The stress of war can also amplify toxic masculinity, where men feel pressured to show control and dominance through aggression (Parent & Moradi, 2011). These factors contribute to the mistreatment of women, which is often not just a side effect of war but a calculated tactic.
However, critics point out that not all men act violently toward women in war zones. Training that emphasizes ethics and empathy has been shown to reduce such behavior (Ickes, 1997). Social role theory (Eagly & Wood, 1999) explains that societal expectations and leadership styles can shape behavior, encouraging men to protect rather than harm women. Studies also show that providing psychological support to men during war can reduce violence, highlighting the importance of mental health care in conflict situations (Wood, 2006).
The psychology of men subjugating women in war is multifaceted, influenced by social, psychological, and structural factors. While war often exacerbates aggressive behaviors, many men do not exhibit such tendencies. Addressing this issue requires cultural change, trauma-informed training, and legal frameworks to protect women during conflict.
The Role of Human Rights Bodies and International Organizations: Gaps in Addressing Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War
Despite international frameworks designed to safeguard human rights, How is it that there are a set of laws put into place to protect certain politics but there is no effort made to deal with issues of violence against women in now unfortunate regions such as Afghanistan? As these bodies showcase systematic gaps in both preventive and responsive action, the failure of Bosnia and Herzegovina to assist survivors of wartime sexual violence even when it was condemned is indicative of the broader failure of international systems to provide the necessary justice and reparations. Such issues also concern the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women(CEDAW), which tries to ensure that these cycles of trauma and discrimination are not overwhelmed by negligence.
These inefficiencies are far starker in Afghanistan. The justice system, which has been heavily criticized for failing to protect women’s rights, is further fragmented under the rule of the Taliban. Laws such as the Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW) are infrequently implemented or even counteracted. Sexual violence victims suffer both social stigma and legal barriers that make the quest for justice elusive. The dissolution of protection measures after the Taliban’s return illustrates the vulnerability of human rights during periods of political turmoil.
The UN Security Council recently served as an example. While a resolution was passed demanding the Taliban to allow women rights, there was no mention of international monitoring, which was critiqued by Amnesty International. Such violations are never dealt with, and there are no practical measures put in place that would restore women’s rights to be able to gain full access to their rights. Resolutions of that nature have little sense of credibility if there is no infringement placed on the right to speak freely, as such resolutions will not bring matters to fruition, that is Without international pressure and tangible consequences, such designs risk becoming hollow declarations and pledges.
This raises the question of human rights institution’s inability to deal with issues of negligence in enforcing accountability and lapsing to provide any kind of support to such countries. These issues exist, but their solutions get blocked for political, financial, and social reasons. These failures make it possible to perpetuate the sexual radicalization of women as a means to wage war. International efforts, such as the futile military actions by the international community, only serve to worsen the problem. The most important issue of the linkage between policy and practice still remains an issue when trying to respond to sexual violence in wars.
CONCLUSION
“It is perhaps more dangerous to be a woman than a soldier in an armed conflict.”– Major General (ret.) Patrick Cammaert, former UN Division Commander for Eastern DRC (MONUC)
There is not much to say about women and the protection of their rights when the most basic of all, which is the right to their very own body, is not granted in the real sense in the 21st century. Women have been time and again subjected to become the collateral damage of wars that were not theirs to begin with. It is indeed futile to go over past instances when we know they will be repeated, to evaluate men’s psyches that will somehow be used to justify sexual violence, and to reiterate past drawn resolutions of international bodies that will always let these cries go unheard.
The damage of war, conflict, terrorism, and violence is multifaceted. However, there are some scars that remain buried with shame. To imagine a woman being raped in broad daylight for her family to openly witness and simply basket it under one of many war tactics that the world is not really interested to dig deep into is a shame on the face of humanity.
Hence, a deep plea goes to carve a framework for creating nation-specific, survivor-focused solutions that can offer victims tools and pathways to justice must be established by international organizations, with a focus on funding local groups whenever feasible.
It is time we uncover this inhuman aspect of man vs. man strife because the costs and consequences of war-led sexual violence last for generations and often continue after the guns fall silent and peace treaties are signed.
References
- Kaplan, O. (2023, September 28). The devastating use of sexual violence as a weapon of war. Think Global Health. https://www.thinkglobalhealth.org/article/devastating-use-sexual-violence-weapon-war
- UN Women. (2008). Rape as a tactic of war. UN Women. https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Media/Publications/UNIFEM/EVAWkit_06_Factsheet_ConflictAndPostConflict_en.pdf
- International Committee of the Red Cross. (2023, September 28). Sexual violence in conflict and weapons: Unpacking the links for better prevention. International Committee of the Red Cross. [https://blogs.icrc.org/law-and-policy/2023/09
- Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Prentice-Hall.
https://www.asecib.ase.ro/mps/Bandura_SocialLearningTheory.pdf - Ickes, W. (1997). Empathic accuracy. Guilford Press.
https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781410600424-22/measuring-empathic-accuracy-william-ickes - Parent, M. C., & Moradi, B. (2011). An intersectional analysis of toxic masculinity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58(3), 379-387.
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Mike-Parent/publication/232476252_Confirmatory_Factor_Analysis_of_the_Conformity_to_Masculine_Norms_Inventory_and_Development_of_the_Conformity_to_Masculine_Norms_Inventory-46/links/638a77ac658cec2104a435fe/Confirmatory-Factor-Analysis-of-the-Conformity-to-Masculine-Norms-Inventory-and-Development-of-the-Conformity-to-Masculine-Norms-Inventory-46.pdf - Wood, E. J. (2006). Variation in sexual violence during war. Politics & Society, 34(3), 307-342.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0032329206290426 - Amnesty International. (2023, April). Afghanistan: UN Security Council resolution must be backed up by concerted action to restore the rights of women and girls. Amnesty International.
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/04/afghanistan-un-security-council-resolution-must-be-backed-up-by-concerted-action-to-restore-the-rights-of-women-and-girls/ - Human Rights Watch. (2021, August 5). Afghanistan: Justice system failing women.
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/08/05/afghanistan-justice-system-failing-women - Trial International. (2023). Bosnia’s failure in supporting survivors of wartime sexual violence condemned by the UN.
https://trialinternational.org/latest-post/bosnias-failure-in-supporting-survivors-of-wartime-sexual-violence-condemned-by-the-un/ - United States Institute of Peace. (2025, January). Failure to protect: The Taliban’s reversal of gender-based violence protections.
https://www.usip.org/publications/2025/01/failure-protect-talibans-reversal-gender-based-violence-protections
