Rural Women in Indian Politics
Advik Sunanda Mohan
Vinita Shet
Mangal Kumar
Abstract
Since Independence, the role of women in Indian politics has witnessed a drastic change. Rural women in particular seem to have overcome stereotypes that subjected them to household chores or working as a house help. They now stand strong, competing against men, particularly in electoral participation over the years.
The study aims to evaluate the increased rural women’s participation in the Indian political landscape. The readers, by the end of the study, will be introduced to instances that lead to such improved political participation and how women matured politically over the years, by employing a multidisciplinary approach to break down the intended research objective.
A mixed method approach was undertaken combining a review of existing literature and secondary resources as fetched from the internet and government portals including the Election Commission of India and a detailed comparative of two-state analysis on women’s role in increased democratic participation.
The results indicate that strategic efforts of the government to enhance women’s literacy and legalising women’s political representation through reservations have increased the political contribution of women. However, challenges like cultural barriers from participating in politics, economic dependency, patriarchal rigidity, and poor access to resources like funding and transportation remain to be addressed.
The study concludes that though reports and data suggest that women’s participation in Indian politics has increased historically; overcoming traditional barriers relating to social class and rigid perspectives is critical in realizing their potential towards nation-building.
Introduction
The role of women in Indian politics is a story of struggle, courage, and transformation, spanning from the Vedic era to today’s democratic age. In ancient times, women played a leading role in knowledge, religion, and social reforms. During the Vedic period, scholars like Gargi and Maitreyi proved their intellectual capabilities in a male-dominated society. However, over time, women were systematically pushed away from politics and power by the patriarchal system.
By the medieval period, women were almost excluded from public life, but some remarkable women challenged this trend. Raziya Sultana ascended the throne of Delhi despite opposition from male rulers, while warriors like Rani Durgavati and Rani Padmini fought bravely to protect their dignity and kingdoms. One of the most inspiring examples is Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi, who not only fought against the British but also proved that women were equally capable in politics and warfare. These events later became a source of great revolution during the colonial period, paving the way for women’s recognition and struggle for existence.
During the colonial period, the struggle of women took a new direction. Savitribai Phule laid the foundation for women’s empowerment through education, while leaders like Sarojini Naidu, Annie Besant, and Aruna Asaf Ali actively participated in the freedom struggle, ensuring women’s involvement in politics. This process brought marginalized women to an equal footing with men in a patriarchal society. Later, after independence, India saw its first female Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, whose determination and political skills established India’s strong presence in global politics.
However, the struggle did not end there. Women continued to fight for political participation for decades. With the introduction of 33% reservation in Panchayati Raj, women began playing a significant role at the grassroots level. Today, women have reached from village panchayats to the highest positions, as evident in the example of President Droupadi Murmu.
Yet, their representation in Parliament and State Assemblies remains limited, and they continue to face social and political discrimination. This research will highlight the journey of women from ancient times to the present, emphasizing their struggles and successes. It will also demonstrate that the full and equal participation of women is essential for a just, inclusive, and empowered democracy.
Progress and Challenges: The journey so far
India’s democratic journey has been marked by continuous efforts to broaden participation and ensure representation for all its citizens. However, the representation of women in political institutions, particularly at the local level has remained a persistent challenge for decades. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments enacted in 1992, aimed to address this critical gap by reserving 33% of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and Municipalities. 21 states went even further by reserving 50% of seats for women at the local level. Owing to these amendments, India made significant progress in women’s representation at the grassroots level, with women making up 46% of all Panchayati Raj representatives.
Despite this significant progress, the reality of their influence and autonomy in the decision-making process remains difficult to ascertain. The persistent practice of “Pati Sarpanch” starkly highlights this disparity. In many parts of rural India, despite being officially elected, women are often only relegated to a symbolic role, with their male relatives or husbands wielding the actual political and decision-making power. After elections, women are often sidelined to manage their household duties. This practice is often justified by the existing patriarchal societal norms which deem women as uneducated and underqualified to take on leadership roles.
UNICEF report highlights this stark disparity revealing that a staggering 7 out of 10 women in 10 districts of Uttar Pradesh were unaware of their constitutional rights; with only a tiny fraction, a mere 2 out of 10 understanding their basic roles and responsibilities. It further reveals that only 3% of these women actively engage in their official duties. This starkly contrasts with the 33% reservation mandated by the constitution, highlighting the vast discrepancy between representation and genuine participation. This situation is mirrored in other Hindi-speaking states, suggesting a broader, systemic issue.
Beyond regressive gender norms, other factors contribute to this challenge. Research suggests that even when husbands are not directly involved, female representatives are 14% less likely to speak in council meetings than their male counterparts and are also less likely to participate in central decision-making processes. This disparity underscores the complex interplay of societal and economic inequalities, including limited access to education and resources, which can hinder women’s ability to assert their voices and fully participate in local governance.
Women often contest elections from reserved seats, facing less competition there. However, this is also because they are rarely given opportunities to contest general seats. Despite research showing otherwise, a widespread perception persists that women are less electable. Furthermore, the rotation of reserved seats prevents women from gaining sufficient experience and makes them less likely to run for office again compared to their male counterparts. The threat of violence, both physical and verbal, can also silence women and discourage their active involvement in leadership roles.
A Comparative Study of Odisha and Karnataka
The state of Odisha offers a way forward on how to improve the participation and engagement of women in rural areas in the Indian political arena. In 1991, when women’s participation was still a nascent idea for most of the country, the state government introduced 33% reservation for women in Panchayati Raj or local government bodies. The Odisha Zilla Parishad Act and the Gram Panchayat Samiti Amendment Act allowed 33% reservation and mandated that one-third of the Zilla Parishads have women chairpersons. Over 25,000 women were elected in the first elections, including from Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe communities. During the 24-year-long tenure of Naveen Patnaik as Chief Minister, this was increased to 50%. Additionally, the Odisha government launched the Mission Shakti programme in 2001. This programme provides women with the opportunity to create Women Self-Help Groups (WSHGs) of their own. These WSHGs are involved in socio-economic activities under three broad areas: social mobilization, financial inclusion, and livelihood enhancement. The range of activities covered by the WSHGs provides women with an opportunity and space to make decisions independently free of external pressures such as involvement in housing and urban development, the running of female-led startups, and the functioning of Anganwadi centres. The WSHGs have laid the foundation for greater women’s representation in the elected bodies of Odisha, providing them with space and opportunity. After the 2022 local body polls, women make up 70% of panchayat heads in Odisha. It has been especially beneficial for the poorer districts such as Kalahandi and Keonjhar. The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) of Naveen Patnaik set an example for women’s representation, with one-third of its candidates being women in both the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha elections. While the picture is far from perfect, Odisha offers a compelling example of how economic progress coupled with political will can help in improving political representation as well.
On the other hand, Karnataka offers a different picture, vis-à-vis women’s representation. Despite being a trailblazer in terms of economic advancement, Karnataka has lagged behind on the front of female political empowerment. Since its formation as a state, Karnataka has elected only around 100 women to the legislative assembly in all the elections. With the exception of 1962, the state has always elected less than 10 women members in every state election, with the highest figure being 9. After the most recent state assembly elections in 2023, the percentage of female representatives in the assembly stands at just 4.5%. Major political parties are skeptical about nominating female candidates, due to what is referred to as the “winnability factor”. Male politicians with more experience, or caste and financial backing are perceived as standing a better chance of winning the elections; something which has perpetuated continued dominance by local politicians like BS Yediyurappa from the BJP and the Gowda family of the JD(S). Even when women are nominated, they are usually the relatives of prominent male politicians. For example, two out of the three female candidates victorious in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections Prabha Mallikarjun and Priyanka Jarkiholi are the daughter-in-law and daughter respectively of two prominent politicians in Karnataka. This hints at the dual persistence of entrenched systems and preconceived notions about women not being considered electable enough. Another factor is human development progress. Karnataka is renowned for its vibrant IT sector and has one of the highest female workforce participation rates in India. Analysts have stated this means they are less likely to participate in politics, which is considered to be a male bastion.
The Way Forward
Rural women’s political participation is crucial for inclusive governance and sustainable development. However, barriers such as patriarchal norms, illiteracy, economic dependence, and lack of awareness hinder their engagement in rural politics. Research on this topic can explore strategies to improve rural women’s political representation and leadership. Here are some key suggestions:
- Education and Awareness Programmes
Literacy and leadership training programmes need to be conducted to empower women with political knowledge and decision-making skills. Additionally, awareness campaigns about women’s political rights through the mediums of community meetings, radio, and social media would be extremely helpful. Self-help groups (SHGs) and NGOs must also be encouraged to educate women about local governance structures and electoral processes.
- Economic Empowerment and Financial Independence
There are several methods through which economic empowerment for women can be achieved. These include providing financial assistance and skill development programs to enhance women’s economic independence; such as facilitating access to microfinance and self-employment opportunities. This would enable women to participate in politics without financial constraints. The encouragement of women’s cooperatives that support and fund female political candidates is another potential step forward.
- Policy Reforms and Legal Support
Policies that enforce gender quotas in local governance need to be strengthened since this would ensure more women in decision-making roles. While laws protecting women from electoral violence and discrimination exist, their stricter implementation needs to be advocated for. Additionally, the establishment of legal aid centers to help women navigate political and electoral challenges would provide them with a forum to express their concerns.
- Breaking Social and Cultural Barriers
Women’s empowerment cannot be achieved solely with the participation of women. It is essential to engage male members of rural communities in discussions on the importance of women’s political participation. The organization of gender-sensitization programs would aid in the breaking down of gender barriers and stereotypes. In addition, talking about the success stories of female rural leaders as role models would help in inspiring more women.
- Political Mentorship and Networking
The platform of networking can help women achieve greater success. These include creating mentorship programs connecting aspiring female politicians with experienced leaders and the establishment of women’s political forums to provide peer support, knowledge sharing, and advocacy training. At the same time, political parties must be encouraged to actively recruit, train, and support women candidates.
- Enhancing Digital and Media Access
Rural women can receive more awareness about their political rights; through the development of mobile applications offering simplified information on political participation, rights, and election procedures. Community radio and storytelling platforms will also act as an effective forum in educating women about their social rights.
Conclusion
The transformative potential of rural women in India’s political landscape cannot be overstated. They are not mere voters or token representatives, but the cornerstone of inclusive governance and equitable progress. While Odisha’s proactive measures such as institutionalizing 33% female candidacy in its dominant party, demonstrate the catalytic impact of intentional representation; Karnataka’s paradox of high success rates amid low participation underscores systemic inequities that persist beneath surface-level victories. These contrasts reveal that true empowerment demands more than quotas; it requires dismantling deep-rooted socio-cultural hierarchies through literacy drives, economic autonomy, and robust legal safeguards.
To unlock this potential, India must prioritize mentorship programs, digital inclusion, and policy frameworks that shift power from symbolism to substance. When rural women gain agency beyond ceremonial roles, and are equipped with knowledge, resources, and institutional support; they become architects of grassroots democracy, bridging the gap between policy and lived realities. Once nurtured, female leadership will not only provide them with growth but also recalibrate the nation’s trajectory. This will prove that inclusive growth begins with women who are seen, heard, and empowered to lead.
This revised version retains the original’s essence while sharpening its analytical depth, emphasizing systemic change over isolated successes, and framing rural women as dynamic catalysts rather than passive beneficiaries.
References
https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/lessons-from-30-years-of-women-s-reservation-in-panchayats
https://www.proquest.com/docview/2101863246?sourcetype=Scholarly%20Journals
